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    Socioeconomics[ edit ] Since the relatively elevated immigration of the s, the Chinese community has made rapid socioeconomic advancements in the UK over the course of a generation. There still exists a segregation of the Chinese in the labour market, however, with a large proportion of the Chinese employed in the Chinese catering industry.

    The British Chinese also fare well on many socioeconomic indicators, including low incarceration rates and high rates of health. When it comes to the distinguished category of being recognized as the "paragon immigrants", British Chinese are also more likely to take math and science-intensive courses such as physics and calculus.

    A study done by the Royal Society of Chemistry and Institute of Physics revealed that British Chinese students were four times as likely as other ethnic groups in the United Kingdom to achieve three or more science A-levels.

    The degree educational advantages varies widely however: The group has more well-educated members, with a much higher proportion of university graduates than British-born whites. These latter have not been negligible: Many have activated ill-conceived stereotypes of the Chinese as a collectivist, conformist, entrepreneurial, ethnic group, and conforming to Confucian values, which is a divergence of British-Chinese culture and construction of ethnic identity.

    Educational attainment is greatly espoused by parental reasoning as the British Chinese community cites higher education as a route to ensure a higher ranking job. British Chinese are also more likely to go to more prestigious universities or to get higher class degrees than any other ethnic minority in the United Kingdom.

    This was the highest rate for any ethnic group during those two years. In terms of educational achievement at the secondary level, Chinese males and females perform well above the national median. British Chinese remain rare among most Special Educational Needs types at the primary and secondary school level, except for Speech, Language and Communication needs, where first-generation Chinese pupils are greatly over-represented with the influx of first-generation immigrants coming from Mainland ChinaTaiwanand Hong Kong.

    First and second-generation British Chinese men have one of the lowest unemployment rates in the nation, with an unemployment rate of 4. Self-employment rates in the British Chinese community is generally higher than the national average. However British Chinese women are also more likely to experience more pay penalties than other ethnic group in the United Kingdom despite possessing higher qualifications.

    Pakistani and Bangladeshi women have the highest gender income gap while British Chinese have one of the lowest income gender gaps. British Chinese women also have the individual incomes among all ethnic groups in the UK followed by White British and Indian women. Difference in men's incomes and number of children across ethnic groups.

    British Chinese women have the highest average equivalent incomes among various ethnic groups in the UK. Though British Chinese women have both high individual and equivalent incomes, but they also have very dispersed incomes.

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    Of the different ethnic groups studied, BangladeshisPakistanisand Black British had the highest rates of child and adult poverty overall. Chinese men and women had the lowest rates of long-term illness or disability which restricts daily activities.

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    The British Chinese population 5. The community is widely dispersed across the country and currently makes the lowest use of health services of all minority ethnic groups. The Centre aims to reduce the health inequality between the Chinese community and the general population. Language difficulties and long working hours in the catering trade present major obstacles to many Chinese people in accessing mainstream health provision.

    Language and cultural barriers can result in their being given inappropriate health solutions. Isolation is a common problem amongst this widely dispersed community and can lead to a range of mental illnesses. The Centre, based close to London's Chinatown, provides a range of services designed to tackle both the physical and psychological aspects of health.

    In a bid to increase voter registration and turnout, and reverse voter apathy within the community, campaigns have been organized such as the British Chinese Register to Vote organised by Get Active UKa working title that encompasses all the activities run by the Integration of British Chinese into Politics the British Chinese Project [62] and its various partners.

    The campaign wishes to highlight the low awareness of politics among the British Chinese community; to encourage those eligible to vote but not on the electoral register to get registered; and to help people make a difference on issues affecting themselves and their communities on a daily basis by getting their voices heard through voting. List of British Chinese people Society and commerce[ edit ] At the turn of the 20th century, the number of Chinese in Britain was small.

    Most were sailors who had deserted or been abandoned by their employers after landing in British ports. In the s, some Chinese migrants had fled the US during the anti-Chinese campaign and settled in Britain, where they started up businesses based on their experience in America.

    There is little evidence to suggest that these "double migrants" had established close ties with Britain's other, longer-standing Chinese community. By the middle of the 20th century, the community was on the point of extinction, and would probably have lost its cultural distinctiveness if not for the arrival of tens of thousands of Hong Kong Chinese in the s.

    Starting a small business was the main way the Chinese coped with their limited ability to find employment in a generally alien and hostile English-speaking environment. They forged inter-ethnic partnerships to overcome the twin problem of raising funds and finding employees. In the first half of the 20th century, most Chinese were involved in the laundry business, while migrants who arrived after the Second World War worked primarily in the catering industry.

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    As these businesses grew, so too did the demand for labour, which entrepreneurs met by exploiting kinship ties to bring family members into Britain. Business partnerships broke up and evolved into family firms, starting and gradually reinforcing the move away from community-based enterprise. With this, competition escalated, since most migrants were involved in the same sector of industry.

    This competition necessitated the community's geographical dispersal which further hindered its attempts to struggle collectively for greater protection from the authorities against racial discrimination.

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    In urban areas, the experience of racism forced the Chinese into "ethnic niches", consisting primarily of restaurants and takeaways, thus heightening competition and placing further limits on communal cooperation. The more entrepreneurial of these migrants would strive to leave these enclaves and were usually the ones who achieved social mobility.

    Later arrivals—the seafarers in the first half of the 20th century and immigrants from Hong Kong from the s —were unable to cooperate to challenge the policies of the British government which were designed to prevent them from entering other economic sectors, even as part of the labour force. In addition to the generalised racism that they encountered, these Chinese migrants were trapped by policies to remain in economic spheres where their links with the majority population were curtailed and competition with the latter was minimized.

    Government policies also had an important bearing on the issues of integration and enterprise development. The Conservative government under Margaret Thatcher in the late s and early s actively promoted the setting up of small enterprisesessentially as a mechanism to deal with the problem of racism.

    While small enterprises have helped migrants to cope with the problem of their isolation and alienation in the new environment, a good segment of their children, on the other hand, have done well in educationnotably at the tertiary leveland have made a prominent presence as professionals and in the high-tech sector.

    Hong Kong Chinese from the rural New Territories who started arriving in large numbers in the s and s. Many of them moved into catering and food wholesaling and retailing. Southeast Asian Chinesewho also started arriving in the s. Primarily from middle-class, professional backgrounds, some of them have also gone into business, including catering. Arrivals from mainland China and urban Hong Kong in the s, who have gone into business related to technology and manufacturing.

    British-born Chinese, whose members are mostly well-qualified and work in hi-tech industries. A number of them were created and ran as partnerships before coming under the control of one individual or family.

    Most of the start-up funds for these businesses have come from personal savings or put together by family members. There is little evidence that they have had access to ethnic-based funding, and there are very few instances to suggest that financial aid has been provided on intra-ethnic grounds; rather, such assistance was for the mutual benefit of both borrower and lender.

    An immigrant from Hong Kong who started out as a waiter, Yip became a restaurateur and later built his reputation as a leading wholesaler and retailer of Chinese food products. He is the owner of Britain's largest Chinese enterprise in terms of sales volume.
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    We are making changes to our websites following an investigation by the Competition and Markets Authority and in preparation for changes to the data protection laws brought in by the General Data Protection Regulation. The changes reflect the requirements of UK consumer protection law and the new data protection laws. We will send you more information about these changes before they are implemented.

    In the meantime, further information is available from the websites of the Competition and Markets Authority www. We are not responsible for these websites and have no control over their nature, content and availability.

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